The results presented include three research studies developed during the 's and show the presence of a clear stratification of school content where French and mathematics have a hegemonic position regardless of the approach being considered: importance of school subjects, distinction between basic and secondary content, time accorded to teaching, complementary aspect of school subjects.
The presence of a relationship between the hierarchy of content and the social conceptions of primary school education is specifically highlighted. La classification des savoirs scolaires y est forte et rigoureuse. C'est sur le premier type de curriculum que Bernstein dirige sa forte critique. Par ailleurs, Laforest ne distinguait pas les volets du programme d'arts. La technologie 50 et les arts 37 ferment la marche. C'est dire combien le temps est une variable primordiale pour les enseignants du primaire.
Looking for answers, but also looking for criteria to support a definition or to make a distinction with examples and counter examples. Philosophical dialogue is a mutual inquiry based on the principle that the more points of view there are, the better we understand what there is to understand. There are no winners and no losers - it is open, based on collaboration. The practice of philosophical dialogue promotes important skills ranging from communication to collaboration through the process of critical and creative thinking..
All of these skills appear on the new study plan of the Suisse Romande, and working with students on philosophy is an excellent way to reinforce these skills. Moreover it offers students an open space in which they can develop their ideas with the support of an adult who can help them go beyond conventional wisdom. Depending on the approach chosen, the role of the animator will vary greatly. What should the role be? This is the subject of a number of reflections - namely the position or posture of the adult which plays a key role in the achievement of the objectives.
In other words, when do we intervene and for what purpose? In no case should a class be taught ex-cathedra in which the students are led to memorise what philosophers have said. Neither is it a question of the students "borrowing" the reflections the philosopher made to come to his conclusions. In fact we should say that philo in primary and secondary schools is not to be taught but practised as in music..
The instrument we are learning to play however is thinking and the teacher must encourage the students to do this by themselves. The animator has an arsenal of questions stimulating different thinking skills, helping the students to go further than the sharing of opinions to the real analysis of ideas.
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His role is not to give ideas but to support students in their thinking, leading them towards ideas he thinks appropriate for their research. The teacher becomes a moderator, questioning the students and encouraging them to go further than an expressed opinion, to bring up counter arguments, helping them to reason and conceptualise. He should also enable them to see a multitude of opinions and to ensure that they integrate logical, moral, aesthetic and metaphysical considerations in their reflection.
His role is also to deconstruct certain prejudices which could rise from discussions. In fact the job description of a philosophy teacher differs greatly from the traditional one. The work of these volunteers consisted of some training with Michel Sasseville plus the distribution of educational materials. The ProPhilo association now offers various services: training, coaching, philosophical dialogue practice, philosophical foundations courses, exchange of practice, etc.
A partnership between proPhilo and the IFP in the early s made the practice of philosophical dialogue more accessible to teachers of private schools in Geneva. Very soon many of them wished to incorporate this practice into their teaching. As predispositions to feeling a sense of predestination are strongly correlated with artistic socialization at a very young age, some differences come to light. This is the case for most highbrow music practitioners Coulangeon and dancers, especially women Sorignet , who began to learn their art early in training institutions that were carefully picked by their families, and who were able to project themselves into this possible destiny at quite a young age as a result.
Conversely, lowbrow music practitioners, who more frequently come from less advantaged backgrounds—although still a minority Coulangeon —more often begin playing during adolescence with friends, outside of any institutional framework. Gaston, 56, the son of blue-collar workers in a provincial small town, had no artistic training or experience outside of playing in a family rock group. When he relates how he became a comedian, he starts out by mentioning a vague recollection of watching a Marcel Pagnol play at his primary school. Beliefs in the ideology of the gift and of predestination, in the inevitable consecration of the talented, constitute an illusio that is necessary in order to belong in the artistic field.
These beliefs are particularly strong when combined with a very low level of knowledge of concrete job realities. The first difficulty lies in learning the rules of the employment status of French performing artists— intermittents du spectacle. While in theatre, socialization to working and employment is progressive—taking place both in school Katz and in companies Proust ; it is relatively common for musicians to find out about the very existence of these rules upon securing their first contract—a guitar player illustrates this:.
And then at some point we realized it was daft, since we were starting to play quite well, so we decided to become pros, to get paid to play… But we knew absolutely nada about that stuff! Many discover that artistic work involves a great deal of administrative tasks: keeping personal accounts, filing declarations on social contributions to the relevant organizations, and in some cases writing applications for subsidies, meeting institutional partners, handling communication before, during and after projects, etc.
Finally, especially for those who aspire to walk in the footsteps of their idols, the third main challenge faced by these artists is to manage interactions with the public. These at times radical departures from earlier experiences of the stage can lead artists to reconsider their professional and personal lives. Thirty-year-old Boris, a guitar and bass player in several bands, relates a long anecdote about performing in a casino with his band, playing pop-rock covers he did not like to an audience that clearly did not care—a time when he suddenly and painfully became aware of his place:.
Before becoming an intermittent , Boris worked as a contracted nursing auxiliary at a public hospital. As his amateur rock band became fairly successful locally, some of the musicians left their jobs to pursue professional careers.
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But the group turned out to be insufficiently active to generate regular income. After a few months, everyone founds themselves busy doing their multiple jobs on the side, and the band split up. Unlike other musicians, Boris received the assistance of intermittent friends who helped him get enough jobs to remain eligible for unemployment allowance.
But his career is far from the life he imagined.
Yet they have to scale down their ambitions. Entry into an artistic career, for creators and performers alike, is a succession of trials: they have to participate in showcases for young talent, apply for awards and various subsidies, secure enough jobs to have access to unemployment allowance, etc. Each of these trials allows artists to gain a degree of awareness of their place in the professional space and of their likely future.
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Of course, whatever selection they operate is not between initially equal aspirants. Their outcomes unveil inequalities that are largely the result of divergent social trajectories. The best endowed aspirants, trained in prestigious schools and armed with large amounts of social capital, often get a fairly early breakthrough. An example of this is provided by thirty-year-old Camille whose father is a doctor and mother a teacher , who graduated from the national conservatory for the dramatic arts.
The company she created with her boyfriend when she was studying performing arts at university was immediately granted a permanent residency at the university theatre; since graduating from the conservatory, she has been regularly receiving public subsidies that allow her to balance the budget of the now professional company. These signs of growing recognition suggest a rather promising professional future for her. For those less well off, repeated failures reduce the field of possibles and make having high aspirations somewhat incongruous.
This is to the case for year-old bass player Michael. Although he is the youngest of the five children of a musician in a national orchestra who was himself the son of a blue-collar worker , he can hardly be considered an inheritor: he began to learn his instrument late, in a small rock band with a few friends, and left the education system without a degree to try his luck with music.
A fan of world-famous funk bass players Jaco Pastorius and Marcus Miller, he pictured himself eventually embarking on large international tours. Starting a career therefore appears to require ordinary artists to rid themselves of such illusions as soon as possible. After a degree in marketing and a short stint in business, he got into music at the age of 25 with a clear goal in mind—that of becoming a singer and blending the sensibilities of UK and US pop-rock groups such as his first idols, Radiohead, with mainstream French pop.
Yet early-career trials are not the only factors which lead ordinary artists to gain awareness of their place and redefine their expectations. Often, beliefs endure even when necessity has been internalized, as in the following two cases:. While it is highly unlikely that ordinary artists, especially those living in small towns, could experience a similar destiny, there is no evidence to say they have no chance whatsoever. Even fantasized, these models allow artists to continue believing that if they simply keep doing their job earnestly and sincerely, consecration might one day come.
All this work on aspirations, which is conscious to varying degrees and both individual and collective, but is always determined by the social conditions of the production of habitus for the agents concerned, appears to paradoxically reinforce the shared belief in the doxa of the artistic field: the innateness of the gift, the randomness of discovery and the consecration of talent.
My interviews suggest that the adjustment between personal economic, cultural, aesthetic dispositions and the opportunities offered by the structure of local spaces of professional artistic practice of varying sizes job opportunities, state of the competition, etc.
Mentalité, tradition et origines du canon musical en France et en Angleterre au XVIIIe siècle
In other words, the strategies at the disposal of ordinary artists may allow them to pursue their careers further, but at the same time they keep them in the dominated spheres of the artistic field. For creators and performers who can hope for some form of recognition of their talent and feel allowed to entertain this hope , remaining somewhat consistent in their artistic choices is key. This strategy is made possible by her high levels of cultural and economic capital, and allows her to preserve the hope of reaching consecration.
Conversely, artists who have the least effective resources and who are in more precarious professional and social situations resort to another strategy, namely diversification Faced with the difficulty of selling and touring their shows, some artists decide to adapt their form to the budget of the venues where they play, in particular by reducing the number of artists on stage.
This strategy is implemented by numerous musicians.